Long-form / 深度專題

填海:由文咸東街到 70.27 平方公里

Reclamation: from Bonham Strand to 70.27 square kilometres

香港嘅海岸線,點解會變成可以不斷重畫嘅土地?

1852 年,政府用上環火災後嘅碎磚瓦填出文咸東街;1889 年中環填海要等到 1903 年才完成。由 1887 年到 2017 年,香港靠填海取得 70.27 平方公里土地。呢個數字背後,係一套把海港當成土地儲備嘅治理方式,也是一場未停止嘅公共爭議。

約 4 分鐘 · 6 節 · 13 條時間線 · 5 份文獻

彩色航拍照片:1961 年荃灣海灣一帶的填海工地,前方是道路與新樓,遠處是山脊與海面。
1961 年,荃灣新市鎮填海工程。Reclamation for the Tsuen Wan new town, 1961.1961 年,作者不詳。Commons 標示為公共領域;原檔只有 650px 闊,冇更高解像度版本。 · 歷史照片,經 Wikimedia Commons 取得 · Public domain Commons 檔案頁 sha1 a55b865c2c8c…

繁體中文

一、1852–1903:填海由衛生與商業需要開始

香港第一個官方填海項目,唔係由宏大城市規劃開始,而係由一場火災嘅剩餘物開始。1852 年,港府用 1851 年上環下市場火災後剩下嘅碎磚瓦同山坡石塊,填平今日蘇杭街與摩利臣街附近地段,並把新海岸線命名為文咸東街。呢個做法說明,早期填海係務實嘅土地整理:物料就近、工程規模有限、目標係即刻可用嘅街道與樓宇。

到 1889 年,問題已經唔同。海旁泥沙淤積令深水碼頭無法正常運作,港島北岸商業用地亦不足;政府於 5 月 11 日頒布條例,展開中區填海,工程到 1903 年才完成。由 1852 年到 1903 年,填海由「處理火災廢料」變成「重塑商業中心」。海岸線一改,街道、地契、碼頭同排水方向都要跟住改,填海從來唔只是增加面積咁簡單。

二、1921–1968:灣仔、中環與戰後四期工程

1921 年 9 月,灣仔海旁填海展開,1930 年竣工。呢次工程嘅填料部分來自摩利臣山,即係把山削平去填海;1931 年,海旁東一帶已有 8,321 人遷入。呢個數字提醒我們,填海完成唔等於城市空白:新地皮好快就有人住、有人做生意,而原本嘅山體、海岸同村落就消失。

戰後中環填海由 1952 年 11 月 24 日動工,分四期推行:首期 1955 年 8 月完成,末期到 1968 年 1 月才結束。呢個時間尺度說明,填海唔係一次過「造地」,而係跨越十幾年嘅工程、交通改道、碼頭搬遷同土地批租。每一期都會改變下一次嘅海岸線,亦令「原本嘅海旁」愈來愈難追溯。

三、1990–2003:西九龍與機場核心計劃

1990 年 9 月 25 日,西九龍填海計劃正式啟動,首項施工項目係新油麻地避風塘。呢個安排順序值得留意:先保障船隻避風,再大規模造地。整個計劃在油麻地至荔枝角一帶海岸填取 340 公頃土地,志錄形容係歷來市區規模最龐大嘅同類工程,最終於 2003 年完成。

西九龍填海唔止係住宅或商業用地,亦係機場核心計劃同西九龍交通走廊嘅土地基礎。填海把海岸線推出去,換來公路、鐵路、避風塘同新市鎮發展空間;代價係原有海床、海岸生態同水上活動空間被覆蓋。由 1990 年到 2003 年,呢片新地由工程圖則變成日常城市,但關於「海港應該填到幾多」嘅爭議亦同時累積。

四、2003–2007:司法覆核、碼頭與文物爭議

2003 年,保護海港協會就中環填海計劃第三期啟動司法覆核;同年 2 月 28 日,第三期工程動工,到 9 月 28 日政府宣布暫停工程,直至法院頒布裁決。呢個轉折把填海由行政決定變成需要法庭檢視嘅公共決定。此後要推行海港填海,政府唔可以只講「需要土地」,而要有更嚴格嘅論證。

工程暫停亦唔代表城市停止變動。2006 年 11 月 11 日,愛丁堡廣場渡輪碼頭因中環填海而終止運作,服務年期共 49 年;2007 年,皇后碼頭因中環填海拆卸並保存組件,引發重要文物保育爭議。碼頭唔只是交通設施,亦係公眾記憶同海岸線嘅座標;當海岸線移動,這些座標就會消失或被搬走。

五、70.27 平方公里:土地從何而來,代價由誰承擔

由 1887 年到 2017 年,香港透過填海取得嘅土地總面積達 70.27 平方公里。呢個數字唔包括所有歷史填海,因為唔同年代嘅統計口徑同工程範圍唔一致;但佢足以說明,填海唔係個別項目,而係支撐港口、機場、房屋、道路同新市鎮嘅長期土地策略。

填海嘅好處容易量度:土地面積、樓面、道路長度。代價就較難量化:原有海岸線被拉直、淺水區同潮間帶消失、水流同沉積改變、公共海濱被工程圍封。更深一層嘅問題係分配——新地由誰使用、舊使用者去邊、景觀同公共通道如何補償。呢啲問題唔可以靠「造地幾多」回答。

六、本篇的界線:填海不是唯一的土地問題

本篇只講填海如何改變海岸線同城市土地,唔會把香港所有土地問題都歸因於填海。棕地、舊區重建、農地轉用、郊野公園邊界、土地共享先導計劃同明日大嶼等題目,各有唔同嘅政策背景同官方資料;呢啲題目唔可以靠一篇填海史代替。

同樣,填海工程嘅環境影響評估、生態補償、海港水質同航行安全,需要獨立嘅技術資料。本篇冇足夠已登記條目去判斷某一個具體項目「值唔值」,亦唔會把司法覆核講成「反對發展」。寫得深,係指把每個轉折嘅理由、代價同未解問題並列,而唔係替任何一方下結論。

未解與缺口

  • 棕地、舊區重建、農地轉用同土地共享先導計劃未在本篇展開。
  • 明日大嶼等大型填海建議嘅成本、環評同時間表未核實。
  • 填海對海港水質、潮流、沉積同生態嘅具體影響,未逐項查核。
  • 公共海濱通道、景觀補償同受影響使用者嘅安置安排未收錄。
  • 各項工程嘅造價、融資同土地收益,未有完整官方對比。

文獻點讀

  • 《香港志·總述 大事記》(公元前 5000 年至 2017 年,共 6,500 多條大事)p.140、p.175、p.209、p.245、p.287、p.493各階段填海嘅動工、竣工、人口遷入同工程範圍。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志·自然》自然環境p.5171887 至 2017 年填海總面積。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志·自然》環境保護與生態保育p.557、p.559中環填海第三期司法覆核、動工與暫停。官方/出版者網址
  • 土木工程拓展署:中環及灣仔填海計劃網頁(無書頁)中環及灣仔填海計劃嘅官方工程背景。官方/出版者網址
  • 立法會規劃地政及工程事務委員會資料文件(皇后碼頭)網頁(無書頁)皇后碼頭拆卸與文物保育爭議。官方/出版者網址

頁碼係電子書頁碼;同一本書不同版次可能移位。引用時請連書名、卷冊同頁碼一齊寫。

English

1. 1852–1903: reclamation begins with sanitation and commerce

Hong Kong’s first official reclamation did not begin with a grand plan but with the leftovers of a fire. In 1852 the Government used broken bricks and tiles from the 1851 Lower Market fire, together with hillside stone, to fill the area near today’s Jervois and Morrison streets, naming the new shoreline Bonham Strand. Early reclamation was practical land assembly: materials nearby, limited scale, and the immediate goal of usable streets and buildings.

By 1889 the problem had changed. Silt along the waterfront prevented deep-water piers from operating, and commercial land on the northern shore was short. On 11 May the Government enacted an ordinance for the Central reclamation, which was completed only in 1903. Between 1852 and 1903 reclamation moved from disposing of fire debris to remaking the commercial centre. Once the shoreline moved, streets, leases, piers and drainage all had to follow; reclamation was never merely adding area.

2. 1921–1968: Wan Chai, Central and the four post-war phases

In September 1921 reclamation began along the Wan Chai waterfront and was completed in 1930. Some of the fill came from levelling Morrison Hill — taking a hill to make land. By 1931, 8,321 people had moved into the Wan Chai East area. The figure is a reminder that reclaimed land is not blank space for long: people soon live and trade there, while the original hill, shore and villages disappear.

Post-war reclamation in Central began on 24 November 1952 and ran in four phases: the first finished in August 1955, the last only in January 1968. The timeline shows that reclamation is not a single act of making land but years of engineering, traffic diversion, pier relocation and land leases. Each phase moved the shoreline for the next, making the “original waterfront” increasingly hard to trace.

3. 1990–2003: West Kowloon and the airport core programme

On 25 September 1990 the West Kowloon reclamation began, with the new Yau Ma Tei typhoon shelter as its first construction item. The order matters: shelter for vessels first, large-scale land-making second. The project reclaimed 340 hectares along the coast from Yau Ma Tei to Lai Chi Kok — the largest urban reclamation of its kind in the record — and was completed in 2003.

West Kowloon was not only housing or commercial land; it was the land base for the airport core programme and the West Kowloon transport corridor. Reclamation pushed the shoreline out and bought space for roads, rail, a typhoon shelter and new development. The cost was the burial of seabed, coastal ecology and water-based activity. Between 1990 and 2003 the new land moved from drawings into everyday city, while the argument over how much harbour should be reclaimed accumulated.

4. 2003–2007: judicial review, piers and heritage

In 2003 the Society for Protection of the Harbour initiated judicial review of Central Reclamation Phase III. The works began on 28 February that year; on 28 September the Government announced they would be suspended until the court ruled. The turn made reclamation a public decision subject to courtroom scrutiny, not merely an administrative one. After that, a harbour reclamation could not rest on “we need land” alone; it required a stricter case.

Suspension did not stop the city from changing. On 11 November 2006 Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier closed because of the Central reclamation, after 49 years of service. In 2007 Queen’s Pier was dismantled for the same project, with components salvaged, sparking a major heritage debate. Piers are not just transport facilities; they are public memory and coordinates on the shoreline. When the shoreline moves, those coordinates vanish or are carried elsewhere.

5. 70.27 square kilometres: where the land came from and who paid

From 1887 to 2017 the total area gained by reclamation in Hong Kong reached 70.27 square kilometres. The figure does not cover every historical reclamation, because statistical scopes and project boundaries differ across periods, but it shows that reclamation was not an isolated project. It was a long-term land strategy supporting ports, the airport, housing, roads and new towns.

The benefits are easy to measure: area, floor space, road length. The costs are harder: straightened shorelines, lost shallow water and intertidal zones, altered currents and sedimentation, and public waterfront enclosed by works. A deeper question is distribution — who uses the new land, where former users go, and how landscape and public access are compensated. “How much land was made” cannot answer that.

6. The limits of this dossier: reclamation is not the only land question

This dossier covers how reclamation changed the shoreline and urban land; it does not attribute every land problem in Hong Kong to reclamation. Brownfields, urban renewal, agricultural land conversion, country park boundaries, the land-sharing pilot and the Lantau reclamation proposals each have their own policy background and official sources. A history of reclamation cannot stand in for them.

Likewise, environmental impact assessment, ecological compensation, harbour water quality and navigation safety need separate technical evidence. This dossier does not have enough registered entries to judge whether a particular project was “worth it”, nor does it portray judicial review as opposition to development. Depth means setting out each turn’s reasons, costs and unresolved questions side by side, not deciding for either side.

Gaps

  • Brownfields, urban renewal, agricultural land conversion and the land-sharing pilot are not covered.
  • The cost, environmental assessment and timetable of large reclamation proposals such as the Lantau project are unverified.
  • Specific effects on harbour water quality, currents, sedimentation and ecology are not checked item by item.
  • Public waterfront access, landscape compensation and resettlement of affected users are not covered.
  • Construction costs, financing and land revenue across projects are not compared from complete official figures.

相關頁

引用本篇:請連標題、網址同「香港紀事館深度專題」一齊寫;時間線內每條條目仍以原書頁碼為準。

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