Long-form / 深度專題

食水:由水塘到東江

Water: from reservoirs to the East River

香港嘅食水,點解由「夠唔夠」變成「靠邊個供」?

1863 年薄扶林水塘只得 200 萬加侖;1963–64 年制水 360 日,最緊張時每四日供水四小時。之後船灣、萬宜兩座水庫同東江供水,才把「水荒」變成日常管理——但同時把香港的水源與區域政治綁在一起。

約 4 分鐘 · 6 節 · 12 條時間線 · 3 份文獻

繁體中文

一、水塘時代:由 200 萬加侖開始

1863 年,薄扶林水塘落成,係香港第一個食水水塘,啟用時可蓄水約 200 萬加侖;1877 年之前經歷兩度擴建,總容量升至 6,800 萬加侖。呢個數字今日聽落很小,但它標誌一個重要轉變:香港嘅食水由井、溪、泉水走向集中儲存同管道分配,政府亦開始以工程而不是只靠自然水源去管理城市。

水塘模式有一個先天限制:容量取決於集水區同降雨。香港嘅雨量集中在夏季,旱季可以很長;一旦連續兩年雨量不足,水塘就會見底。1963 至 1964 年嘅制水,就是這個限制嘅極端表現。

二、1963–64:制水 360 日

1963 年同 1964 年接連出現旱情,制水安排持續 360 日;供水最緊張期間,每四日只有四小時有水。呢個唔只係生活不便:官方記述指出,制水令百業蕭條、工人失業、物價飛漲;夏日缺乏清潔水源,衛生環境惡化,霍亂、痢疾同傷寒等疫症增加。

制水期間,政府徵得廣東省政府同意,派運油船在珠江抽取淡水輸港。呢一步係臨時措施,但已預示後來嘅方向:當本地水塘不足以支撐城市,香港就必須從境外找水。讀者要留意,呢個決定同時係水利問題同政治問題,唔可以只當技術安排。

三、東江供水:兩個數字,兩個口徑

1965 年,東江—深圳供水工程完成,香港開始從東江輸入原水。同一年,官方一處記工程為香港提供六千萬立方米水量,佔當年整體用水需求三分之一;另一處記實際自東江輸入四千九百萬立方米。兩個數字唔可以相加,亦唔應該當成「講錯」:一個可能係工程供港能力,一個係當年實際輸入量,但本站未逐頁核實兩者定義,所以並列而不調和。

到 2017 年,官方記自東江輸入水量增至六億五千一百萬立方米。呢個增幅反映香港人口同經濟增長,亦反映本地水源佔比下降。讀者引用時要問:講緊係「供港能力」、「實際輸入」定「用水需求」?三個名詞唔可以互換。

並列兩個數字,睇落好似唔夠確定;但對政策史而言,寧願保留兩個官方講法,都好過用一個未核實嘅定義把另一個掩蓋。讀者若一定要一個數,應該先喺原文搵到定義,再寫明用邊一個。

四、船灣與萬宜:把水塘建到海裡

1964 年 2 月 20 日,船灣淡水湖建造工程正式展開;1969 年 1 月 20 日完成全部工程並開始供水,官方記述它係世界上首座採用海中築壩方式建造嘅水塘。呢個設計嘅意義,係在香港有限嘅陸地之外製造儲水空間;代價係要處理海水、鹽分同集水區水質。

1978 年 11 月 27 日,萬宜水庫啟用,成為香港容量最大嘅水塘,造價 13.5 億元,蓄水總量 2.73 億立方米;1980 年 2 月 9 日正式投入供水。連同船灣,香港食水水塘總數達 17 個,總儲水量 5.86 億立方米。呢兩個水庫令香港在旱年仍有緩衝,但緩衝唔等於無限。

水塘係存量,東江係流量:存量應付旱季同突發事故,流量應付日常需求。任何一方突然中斷,另一方都唔可能長期獨力承擔全港用水。呢個互補關係係香港水務制度嘅核心,亦解釋咗為何本地水塘同跨境供水唔可以互相取代。所以「有東江就唔需要水塘」呢種講法,忽略咗儲備嘅作用。

五、文獻點讀:由邊幾頁開始

水塘同供水數字主要在《香港志·總述 大事記》p.150(薄扶林)、p.335(船灣動工)、p.361(船灣供水同海中築壩)、p.417(萬宜啟用同造價)、p.39(東深供水完成)。制水同旱情要看《香港志·自然》自然環境 p.599;珠江取水、衛生惡化同實際輸入量要看自然資源與生態 p.35、p.48。

讀嘅時候最好開兩個標記:一個記「年份」,一個記「口徑」。1965 年嘅六千萬同四千九百萬、2017 年嘅六億五千一百萬,係三個唔同層次嘅數字;先把口徑寫低,再比較。若要做政策研究,下一步係水務署年報、發展局供水事務文件同立法會發展事務委員會文件。

六、未解與缺口

本篇未處理海水化淡、水費、水管滲漏、再生水同沖廁水;東江水價、供水協議同水質事故亦未收錄。1965 年兩個數字嘅定義未逐頁核實,所以只並列、不調和。研究時要先分清存量同流量。呢啲缺口會繼續公開列出,唔會靜靜消失。

下一步要查嘅,係水務署年報有冇把「本地集水」、「東江輸入」同「沖廁水」分開列;如果三個數混在一起,任何「自給率」講法都會誤導。呢個係口徑問題,唔係工程問題。

未解與缺口

  • 海水化淡、水費、水管滲漏、再生水同沖廁水未收錄。
  • 東江水價、供水協議同水質事故未收錄。
  • 1965 年 6,000 萬與 4,900 萬立方米嘅定義未逐頁核實,只並列不調和。
  • 1990 年代之後嘅制水詳情同年份未在本篇展開。

文獻點讀

  • 《香港志·總述 大事記》(公元前 5000 年至 2017 年,共 6,500 多條大事)p.39、p.150、p.335、p.361、p.417水塘落成、船灣同萬宜啟用、東深供水完成。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志·自然》自然環境p.5991963–64 年制水日數同最緊張供水安排。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志·自然》自然資源與生態p.35、p.48珠江運油船取水、衛生惡化,同歷年實際輸入量。官方/出版者網址

頁碼係電子書頁碼;同一本書不同版次可能移位。引用時請連書名、卷冊同頁碼一齊寫。

English

1. The reservoir era: starting from two million gallons

Pok Fu Lam Reservoir was completed in 1863 as Hong Kong’s first fresh-water reservoir, holding about two million gallons when commissioned; two expansions before 1877 raised capacity to 68 million gallons. The figure looks small today, but it marks a shift: water moved from wells, streams and springs to central storage and piped distribution, and the Government began managing the city through engineering rather than relying on natural sources alone.

The reservoir model has a built-in limit: capacity depends on catchment and rainfall. Hong Kong’s rain is concentrated in summer and dry seasons can be long; two poor years can empty the reservoirs. The rationing of 1963–64 was that limit at its most severe.

2. 1963–64: 360 days of rationing

Drought in 1963 and 1964 led to 360 days of rationing; at the tightest, water was available for only four hours every four days. The effect was not merely inconvenience: the official account records business depression, unemployment and rising prices, while the lack of clean water in summer worsened sanitation and increased cholera, dysentery and typhoid.

During the rationing the Government, with Guangdong’s consent, sent oil tankers to draw fresh water from the Pearl River. It was a temporary measure, but it pointed to the future: once local reservoirs could not carry the city, Hong Kong had to look beyond its boundary. The decision was simultaneously a water-engineering and a political question, not a purely technical arrangement.

3. East River supply: two figures, two scopes

In 1965 the East River–Shenzhen water supply project was completed and Hong Kong began importing raw water. That year one official passage says the project supplied 60 million cubic metres, one-third of total demand; another records actual imports of 49 million cubic metres. The two figures should not be added or treated as an error: one may be capacity and the other actual intake, but this site has not verified the definitions page by page, so they are set side by side.

By 2017 the recorded imports had risen to 651 million cubic metres. The increase reflects population and economic growth, and a falling share from local sources. When citing, ask whether the figure is capacity, actual intake or demand: the three are not interchangeable.

Keeping both figures may look indecisive, but for policy history it is safer to preserve two official formulations than to hide one behind an unverified definition. A reader who needs a single number should first find the definition in the original document, then say which one is being used.

4. Plover Cove and High Island: reservoirs built in the sea

Construction of Plover Cove Reservoir began on 20 February 1964; it was completed and began supplying water on 20 January 1969, and the record calls it the world’s first reservoir built by damming the sea. The design created storage beyond Hong Kong’s limited land, at the cost of managing seawater, salinity and catchment quality.

On 27 November 1978 the High Island Reservoir opened as Hong Kong’s largest, costing HK$1.35 billion and holding 273 million cubic metres; it entered supply on 9 February 1980. With Plover Cove, Hong Kong’s fresh-water reservoirs reached 17 and total storage 586 million cubic metres. The two reservoirs gave the city a buffer in dry years, but a buffer is not unlimited.

Reservoirs are stock; the East River is flow. Storage carries the dry season and emergencies, while flow meets everyday demand. If either is suddenly cut off, the other cannot carry the whole territory for long. That complementarity is the core of Hong Kong’s water system, and it explains why local reservoirs and imported water cannot simply replace each other. The claim that “with the East River we do not need reservoirs” ignores the role of reserve capacity.

5. How to read the sources

Reservoir and supply figures are mainly in the chronology p.150 (Pok Fu Lam), p.335 (start of Plover Cove), p.361 (Plover Cove supply and sea damming), p.417 (High Island opening and cost) and p.39 (completion of the East River scheme). For rationing and drought, see Nature: Natural Environment p.599; for Pearl River tankers, sanitation and actual imports, see Natural Resources and Ecology p.35 and p.48.

Keep two notes while reading: one for the year, one for the scope. The 1965 figures of 60 million and 49 million, and the 2017 figure of 651 million, sit at different levels; write down the scope before comparing. For policy research, go next to Water Supplies Department annual reports, Development Bureau water-supply papers and LegCo development panel documents.

6. Gaps

This dossier does not cover desalination, tariffs, leakage, reclaimed water or flushing water; East River prices, supply agreements and water-quality incidents are also absent. The definitions behind the two 1965 figures have not been verified page by page, so they are set side by side rather than reconciled. These gaps are not filled with “roughly” or “about”.

The next check is whether the Water Supplies Department annual report separates local catchment, East River imports and flushing water. If the three are mixed, any “self-sufficiency” claim will mislead. That is a question of scope, not engineering.

Gaps

  • Desalination, tariffs, leakage, reclaimed water and flushing water are not covered.
  • East River prices, supply agreements and water-quality incidents are not covered.
  • The definitions behind the 1965 figures of 60 million and 49 million cubic metres are unverified; they are listed, not reconciled.
  • Details and dates of post-1990s rationing are outside this dossier.

相關頁

引用本篇:請連標題、網址同「香港紀事館深度專題」一齊寫;時間線內每條條目仍以原書頁碼為準。

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