Long-form / 深度專題

金融:由發鈔銀行到聯繫匯率

Finance: from note-issuing banks to the linked exchange rate

香港嘅金融中心地位,係由市場自然形成,定係一連串制度選擇?

1845 年,東藩匯理銀行在香港開設分行,係本地最早發鈔嘅金融機構;1865 年滙豐成立;1935 年香港改革幣制、設立外匯基金;1983 年實行聯繫匯率。每一個節點都係制度選擇,而唔只是「市場優勝劣敗」。

約 3 分鐘 · 5 節 · 13 條時間線 · 2 份文獻

黑白照片:皇后大道中一幢帶中央圓頂、兩層柱廊同三角山花的新古典銀行大廈,兩旁係較矮嘅舊式樓房,街上有行人同人力車。
1908 年出版的《二十世紀香港》所刊滙豐銀行總行大廈;呢幢係十九世紀末落成的第二代總行,同今日所見嘅總行大廈並非同一建築。The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank head office as printed in the 1908 volume Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong; this is the second-generation building of the late nineteenth century, not the head office standing today.刊於 1908 年《二十世紀香港》。圖中係第二代總行大廈,其後已拆卸重建;本站未逐字核實各代大樓嘅落成同拆卸年份,所以唔在此列年份,只講明「唔係今日呢幢」。Commons 標示為公共領域。 · 《二十世紀香港》書中照片,經 Wikimedia Commons 取得 · Public domain Commons 檔案頁 sha1 71a593ceda43…

繁體中文

一、1845–1918:銀行、鈔票與華資進場

1845 年 4 月,東藩匯理銀行在香港開設分行,係本地最早開業並發行鈔票嘅金融機構。1865 年 3 月 3 日,英資成立香港上海滙豐銀行,總行設在皇后大道中,係當時唯一以香港為總部嘅銀行,並獲鈔票發行權。呢個時期嘅金融中心,核心功能係貿易融資、匯兌同發鈔,服務對象主要是洋行同港口貿易。

華資銀行隨後進場。1891 年,香港中華滙理銀行成立,資金來自華人及外資合資;1912 年 3 月 23 日,廣東銀行成立,係香港歷來第一間全數以華人資金開辦嘅銀行;1918 年 11 月 14 日,簡東浦、李冠春、李子方及周壽臣等華商註冊成立東亞銀行。銀行數目增加,意味着金融唔再只服務外資貿易,亦開始服務華人商業同儲蓄。

二、1935–1945:幣制改革、外匯基金與戰爭

1935 年,港府頒布條例,訂明庫務司有權發行一元鈔票,並須設立發行擔保基金;同年 12 月 13 日,港府再立例規定有利銀行、滙豐銀行及印度新金山中國匯理銀行所發鈔票屬法定貨幣,另設外匯基金,改以負債證明書作發鈔保證,並向公眾收購及收回銀元。呢次改革把香港由銀本位進一步推向管理紙幣同外匯儲備嘅制度。

1945 年 9 月 13 日,香港軍政府公告,港元自翌日重新取得法定貨幣地位;十圓以上之日本軍票與迫簽港幣停用,十圓或以下軍票維持有效,以緩解紙幣供應不足。戰爭令貨幣制度斷裂,戰後恢復唔只是「再用返港元」,而係要處理軍票、迫簽鈔票同公眾信心問題。

三、1976–1983:金融政策與聯繫匯率

1976 年 10 月 29 日,港府在布政司署架構內增設金融事務科,負責公帑資產與負債管理,並釐定貨幣及外匯政策。呢個安排象徵金融政策開始由散落在不同部門嘅工作,集中成一個政策領域;政府唔再只是監管銀行,而係主動管理貨幣同外匯。

1980 年 7 月 7 日,香港聯合交易所有限公司完成註冊,證券市場由多家交易所走向統一。1983 年 10 月 17 日,港府公布推行聯繫匯率制度,即貨幣發行局機制,把兌換價鎖定於一美元對七點八港元,以穩定港元匯價。呢個制度安排至今仍然係香港金融體系嘅核心,但佢係一個政策選擇,而唔係自然規律。

聯繫匯率嘅代價亦要講清楚:本地利率要跟隨美元走勢,當美國加息而香港經濟需要寬鬆時,政策空間就會收窄。固定匯率帶來穩定預期,卻把調整壓力轉移到物價、工資同資產價格。呢個取捨唔可以只用「信心」兩個字解釋。

四、1995–1997:外匯市場與儲備

國際清算銀行 1995 年 4 月嘅調查顯示,香港每日外匯成交平均 910 億美元,佔環球總額 6%,排名全球第五。呢個數字說明,香港唔只是「地區銀行中心」,而係一個有深度嘅外匯市場:銀行、經紀、企業同投資者每日在此買賣不同貨幣,形成價格同流動性。

1997 年 10 月 23 日,金融管理局宣布香港於九月底嘅外匯儲備總額為八百八十一億美元,排名全球第三。儲備係聯繫匯率嘅後盾,亦係市場信心嘅指標;但儲備多唔等於金融體系冇風險,銀行資產質素、房地產槓桿同外部衝擊,仍然可以令市場劇烈波動。

排名亦會變。外匯成交同儲備數字受全球市場、美元利率同區域競爭影響,一年之間可以升跌;把某一年嘅排名當成永久地位,會忽略制度同市場結構嘅變化。真正要問嘅係:香港靠咩維持市場深度,以及當外部環境改變時,制度有冇調整空間。

五、本篇的界線:金融中心不等於人人受益

本篇集中講銀行、貨幣同外匯制度,冇足夠已登記條目去講清楚證券市場監管、保險業、強積金、人民幣業務、金融科技同虛擬資產。呢啲題目各自有獨立嘅法規同官方數據,唔可以靠一條匯率史代替。

金融業亦會改變城市其他部分:寫字樓租金、房價、就業結構同收入差距,都同金融擴張有關。呢啲影響需要獨立嘅統計同政策分析;本篇只會指出關係,唔會把「金融中心」講成所有人都受益嘅故事。

未解與缺口

  • 證券監管、保險業、強積金、人民幣業務、金融科技同虛擬資產未在本篇展開。
  • 銀行資產質素、不良貸款、資本充足率同壓力測試未逐項查核。
  • 寫字樓租金、房價、就業結構同收入差距同金融業嘅關係,未有完整數據。
  • 1997 年之後嘅金融危機、改革同監管變化,只在本篇邊緣提及。
  • 聯繫匯率嘅代價與替代方案,唔在本篇作政策建議。

文獻點讀

  • 《香港志·總述 大事記》(公元前 5000 年至 2017 年,共 6,500 多條大事)p.40、p.42、p.132、p.152、p.177、p.199、p.207、p.229、p.230、p.257、p.405、p.428、p.556銀行創立、鈔票與法定貨幣、外匯基金、金融事務科、聯繫匯率、外匯成交同儲備數字。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志》經濟部類(金融、財團、建造與房地產、航運業等專志)網頁(無書頁)香港金融業發展嘅部類背景。官方/出版者網址

頁碼係電子書頁碼;同一本書不同版次可能移位。引用時請連書名、卷冊同頁碼一齊寫。

English

1. 1845–1918: banks, banknotes and Chinese capital

In April 1845 the Oriental Bank opened a Hong Kong branch, the first local institution to operate and issue banknotes. On 3 March 1865 British interests established the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Company, headquartered on Queen’s Road Central, then the only bank headquartered in Hong Kong and granted note-issuing rights. In this period the financial centre’s core functions were trade finance, remittance and note issuance, serving mainly foreign trading houses and the port economy.

Chinese capital then entered. In 1891 the Bank of China and Japan was founded with joint Chinese and foreign capital. On 23 March 1912 the Bank of Canton was established as the first bank in Hong Kong funded entirely by Chinese capital. On 14 November 1918 Chinese merchants including Kan Tong-po, Li Koon-chun, Li Tse-fong and Chow Shouson registered the Bank of East Asia. More banks meant finance was no longer only for foreign trade; it began to serve Chinese commerce and savings.

2. 1935–1945: currency reform, the Exchange Fund and war

In 1935 the Hong Kong Government enacted an ordinance allowing the Treasurer to issue one-dollar notes and requiring an issue guarantee fund. On 13 December that year it provided that notes issued by the Mercantile Bank, HSBC and the Chartered Bank were legal tender, created an Exchange Fund, replaced the note-issuing guarantee with certificates of indebtedness and bought back silver dollars from the public. The reform pushed Hong Kong further from the silver standard towards managed paper currency and foreign exchange reserves.

On 13 September 1945 the military government announced that the Hong Kong dollar would regain legal tender status from the next day. Japanese military notes and forced-signed Hong Kong dollars of ten yen or above were discontinued, while notes of ten yen or below remained valid to ease the shortage of paper currency. War broke the monetary system; restoration was not simply “using the Hong Kong dollar again” but dealing with military notes, forced signatures and public confidence.

3. 1976–1983: financial policy and the currency peg

On 29 October 1976 the Government created a Financial Services Branch within the Colonial Secretariat to manage public assets and liabilities and set monetary and foreign exchange policy. The step marked financial policy becoming a distinct field rather than work scattered across departments; the Government was no longer only supervising banks but actively managing money and foreign exchange.

On 7 July 1980 the Stock Exchange of Hong Kong completed its registration, moving the securities market from multiple exchanges towards one. On 17 October 1983 the Government announced the linked exchange rate system, a currency board mechanism pegging the Hong Kong dollar at 7.8 to one US dollar to stabilise the exchange rate. The arrangement remains central to Hong Kong’s financial system, but it is a policy choice, not a natural law.

The cost of the peg must also be stated: local interest rates follow US rates, so when the United States tightens while Hong Kong needs ease, policy space narrows. A fixed rate brings stable expectations but shifts adjustment pressure onto prices, wages and asset values. That trade-off cannot be explained by “confidence” alone.

4. 1995–1997: foreign exchange and reserves

A Bank for International Settlements survey in April 1995 showed Hong Kong’s average daily foreign exchange turnover at US$91 billion, 6% of the global total and fifth worldwide. The figure shows Hong Kong was not only a regional banking centre but a deep foreign exchange market where banks, brokers, firms and investors traded currencies daily, producing prices and liquidity.

On 23 October 1997 the Monetary Authority announced that Hong Kong’s foreign exchange reserves at the end of September were US$88.1 billion, third globally. Reserves back the linked exchange rate and signal market confidence, but large reserves do not mean the financial system is risk-free. Bank asset quality, property leverage and external shocks can still produce sharp volatility.

Rankings also move. FX turnover and reserves are affected by global markets, US interest rates and regional competition, and can rise or fall within a year. Treating one year’s rank as permanent status ignores changes in institutions and market structure. The real question is what sustains market depth, and whether the system has room to adjust when the external environment changes.

5. The limits of this dossier: a financial centre does not benefit everyone equally

This dossier focuses on banks, currency and the foreign exchange system. It does not have enough registered entries to cover securities regulation, insurance, the Mandatory Provident Fund, renminbi business, fintech or virtual assets. Each needs its own statutes and official data; a history of the exchange rate cannot stand in for them.

Finance also changes other parts of the city: office rents, property prices, employment structure and income inequality are all connected to financial expansion. Those effects need separate statistics and policy analysis. This dossier points to the relationship but will not present the “financial centre” as a story in which everyone gains.

Gaps

  • Securities regulation, insurance, the Mandatory Provident Fund, renminbi business, fintech and virtual assets are not covered.
  • Bank asset quality, non-performing loans, capital adequacy and stress tests are not checked item by item.
  • The links between finance and office rents, property prices, employment structure and income inequality lack complete data.
  • Post-1997 financial crises, reforms and regulatory changes are only mentioned at the margin.
  • The costs and alternatives of the linked exchange rate are not treated as policy recommendations here.

相關頁

引用本篇:請連標題、網址同「香港紀事館深度專題」一齊寫;時間線內每條條目仍以原書頁碼為準。

↑