Long-form / 深度專題

城市規劃與新市鎮:由一幅大綱圖到新發展區

Urban planning and new towns: from an outline plan to new development areas

香港嘅市區同新市鎮,係點樣被「劃」出嚟?

香港嘅城市形態唔係自然長出嚟:有人劃線,有人定用途,有人負責收地同填海。1922 年港府成立城市規劃委員會,1939 年通過條例把法定圖則嘅權力交給它;戰後一份外來顧問報告把「開發新市鎮」寫成政策方向,1955 年觀塘衞星城市大綱圖就係第一次落地。此後荃灣、屯門、沙田、將軍澳各自用一條公共屋邨標示「有人入住」,而市區一邊就由土地發展公司走到市區重建局。

約 4 分鐘 · 5 節 · 16 條時間線 · 4 份文獻

彩色照片:前景是望夫石與石階小徑,下方是新填的土地與工地,中景一列列新落成住宅大廈,右上角是海面。
1978 年,從望夫石俯瞰興建中的沙田新市鎮。Looking down on the Sha Tin new town under construction from Amah Rock in 1978.Commons 上載者 Mongdao 提供,1978 年(Commons 記錄)。拍攝者身份未經本站獨立查證。 · 歷史照片,經 Wikimedia Commons 取得 · Public domain Commons 檔案頁 sha1 f24494f79f8b…

繁體中文

一、規劃制度:先有委員會,後有法定權力

香港嘅規劃制度由一個委員會開始。1922 年,城市規劃委員會由港府成立,負責制訂發展規劃圖則。但委員會要有法律地位,才可以把圖則變成約束:1939 年 6 月 30 日,城市規劃委員會宣告成立,任務是就目前及將來市區地帶嘅佈局進行設計;同年通過嘅《城市規劃條例》,往後經過數次修改,把法定權力賦予委員會,使其能夠以法定圖則訂明土地用途,以及對發展作出管制。

制度成形之後,方向由一份報告定調。1948 年 9 月,香港政府公佈一份由英籍建築師亞柏康比執筆嘅規劃報告,建議以三個方向推行長遠規劃:第一是提升市區內部及對外交通運輸,第二是開發新市鎮以分散市區人口,第三是完善城市規劃法例及土地用途分區。

呢三個方向值得逐一記住,因為此後幾十年嘅香港規劃,基本上就係喺呢三條軌上跑:交通、新市鎮、法例同分區。報告提出嘅年份亦係關鍵——戰後人口急升,市區已經迫爆,規劃唔再係美化城市,而是要安置人。

二、衞星城市:觀塘先試,荃灣跟上

1955 年,港府擬定觀塘衞星城市規劃大綱圖,此舉象徵香港新市鎮發展由此展開。觀塘嘅規劃亦成為日後發展新市鎮嘅開端,而它嘅做法好清楚:透過填海造地來擴充可用土地,再把工業同住宅放埋一齊,令居民唔需要每日長途通勤。

荃灣係第二個試點,而且比觀塘更接近「新市鎮」嘅完整形態。1959 年,四季大廈由房協完成興建,成為荃灣新市鎮內首個公共屋邨;同年起,香港政府著手建設荃灣新市鎮,並於醉酒灣與荃灣一帶進行填海工程,以供工業及住宅發展之用。

值得留意嘅係次序:政府先劃大綱圖,再填海造地,最後才有屋邨入伙。呢個次序解釋咗為何「新市鎮」喺香港係一個工程概念,而唔只係一個地理名詞——每一條邨嘅出現,背後都有一幅圖則同一批填海工程。

三、把「量」寫入圖則:六十四萬人同二百二十英畝

新市鎮嘅關鍵一步,係把人口目標寫入法定圖則。1961 年 9 月 1 日,城市設計委員會發表一份關於荃灣地區發展的大綱草圖,此乃荃灣新市鎮最初之法定圖則,規劃以十五載光陰,把荃灣發展為容納六十四萬人口、具備自給自足能力之衞星城市。

呢句話裏面有三個可驗證嘅承諾:時間(十五載)、規模(六十四萬人)、性質(自給自足)。三者缺一,圖則就只係一張地圖。亦因為有呢三個數字,後來嘅規劃檢討才有基準可以比較——實際人口到唔到目標、就業機會夠唔夠、跨區通勤有冇減少。

屯門(當時稱青山)走嘅係同一條路,但用填海面積講規模:1966 年 3 月,香港政府啟動青山新市鎮發展計劃的第一階段,涉及 220 英畝填海,以建造可住十萬人的住宅區並推動工業發展。到 1970 年代初,首批新市鎮嘅建設工程正式展開,涵蓋荃灣、沙田及屯門三地——三個地方、三份圖則、同一套方法。

四、一條邨做時間標記:瀝源同寶林

要判斷一個新市鎮幾時真正「開始」,最可靠嘅標記唔係圖則刊憲,而係第一條公共屋邨入伙。沙田嘅標記係 1975 年 7 月:由房委會負責建造嘅瀝源邨正式入夥,成為沙田新市鎮內第一條公共屋邨。

將軍澳嘅標記係 1988 年 2 月 26 日:房委會興建嘅寶林邨入夥,是將軍澳新市鎮內首個公共屋邨。同年 5 月 26 日,政府公佈將軍澳新市鎮第三期發展計劃涵蓋調景嶺平房區——即係話,新市鎮唔只是喺空地上畫圖,亦要把原有嘅平房區納入規劃,隨之而來係安置同賠償問題。

用屋邨做標記有一個方法論上嘅好處:入伙日期有紀錄、可以逐條核對,比「新市鎮開始發展」呢類籠統講法實在得多。但亦要講明限制——第一條邨只代表首批人口遷入,唔代表該鎮嘅道路、學校、診所同步到位;配套往往滯後,呢個落差係香港新市鎮最常被批評嘅地方。

五、市區一邊:重建、都會計劃與新發展區

新市鎮解決「多出嚟嘅人住邊」,市區就要解決「舊區點算」。1988 年 1 月 15 日,土地發展公司承擔市區重建計劃,其運作得到政府支持,並以審慎商業原則為依據——「審慎商業原則」係關鍵詞:重建唔係社會服務,要計數。

1991 年 11 月 22 日,香港政府公佈《都會計劃》,就日後市區發展提出概念性綱領,提出於市區展開填海、重建與基建等大型工程。到 2001 年 5 月 1 日,市區重建局接替土地發展公司,負責推動市區重建工作,並啟動一項為期二十年嘅市區重建計劃,涉及二十五個未完成項目,並加入二百個新項目——呢個數字組合說明,接替唔等於重新開始,舊項目要一併承接。

土地供應嘅戰場隨後移向新界同前機場用地。2007 年,香港特別行政區政府展開啟德發展計劃,在前啟德機場舊址建設一個嶄新社區;2013 年 7 月 4 日,新界東北新發展區嘅規劃及工程研究對外公佈成果;2015 年 6 月 19 日,行政長官會同行政會議就古洞北及粉嶺北兩份計劃大綱圖作出核准,新界東北新發展區嘅規劃得以推展。由「衞星城市」到「新發展區」,名稱改變咗,但方法仍然係同一套:圖則、收地、填海、然後等人入住。

未解與缺口

  • 本篇唔比較「規劃人口」同「實際人口」:兩者口徑同統計時點唔同,未逐份核實普查同規劃署文件,所以只講圖則寫咗幾多,唔講最後住咗幾多。
  • 收地、賠償同安置(包括寮屋、平房區同農地)嘅數字未逐年登記,正文只交代調景嶺平房區被納入規劃呢件事。
  • 填海面積同造價只有原書所載嘅單一項目數字,未整理成可比較嘅序列,亦唔在正文補一個總額。
  • 環境影響評估同法定程序(策略環評、城規會申述)未逐項展開;要講程序細節,就要先核實環評報告同城規會文件。
  • 「新市鎮」同「新發展區」兩個名稱嘅官方定義有先後之別,本篇按原書用語照寫,未另立一份定義表。
  • 北部都會區等近年嘅空間規劃未在志錄登記,所以本篇唔寫年份、唔估算規模,缺口照實留低。

文獻點讀

  • 《香港志·總述 大事記》(公元前 5000 年至 2017 年,共 6,500 多條大事)p.238、p.269、p.303、p.318、p.323、p.346、p.397、p.475、p.476、p.499、p.588、p.683、p.698逐年記載;圖則、刊憲、屋邨入夥同重建機構嘅日期同頁碼一律以原書為準。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志·自然》建置與地區概況(人口)p.103、p.736「土地與地區」卷補充城規會成立、首批新市鎮範圍同啟德發展計劃嘅背景。官方/出版者網址
  • 規劃署:荃灣——規劃宜居新市鎮(首份法定圖則1961年9月1日刊憲)專題頁(網頁,無連續頁碼)規劃署自己嘅荃灣新市鎮資料,用嚟核對首份法定圖則嘅年份同規劃目標。官方/出版者網址
  • 規劃署:香港土地用途統計統計頁(網頁,無連續頁碼)現時土地用途統計嘅官方現況資料,只用嚟核對今日嘅分類,唔用作歷史年份來源。官方/出版者網址

頁碼係電子書頁碼;同一本書不同版次可能移位。引用時請連書名、卷冊同頁碼一齊寫。

English

1. The planning system: a board first, statutory power later

Hong Kong’s planning system begins with a board. In 1922 the Town Planning Board was established by the Government to prepare development plans. A board needs legal standing before a plan can bind anyone: on 30 June 1939 the Town Planning Board was formally constituted to design the layout of present and future urban areas, and the Town Planning Ordinance passed that year — amended several times since — gave it statutory power to prescribe land use through statutory plans and to control development.

Once the system existed, a report set its direction. In September 1948 the Government published a planning report by the British architect Abercrombie recommending three lines of long-term planning: improving internal and external transport, developing new towns to disperse the urban population, and improving town planning legislation and land-use zoning.

The three lines are worth remembering one by one, because Hong Kong planning ran on those rails for decades: transport, new towns, law and zoning. The year matters too — with population surging after the war, planning was no longer about beautifying a city but about housing people.

2. Satellite cities: Kwun Tong went first, Tsuen Wan followed

In 1955 the Government formulated the outline plan for the Kwun Tong satellite city, marking the beginning of new town development in Hong Kong. Kwun Tong also became the template for later new towns, and its method was plain: reclaim land to create usable sites, then place industry and housing together so that residents would not face a long commute every day.

Tsuen Wan was the second trial and came closer to the full shape of a new town. In 1959 the Housing Society completed Four Seasons Estate, the first public housing estate in Tsuen Wan New Town; from the same year the Government began building the new town, reclaiming land at Gin Drinkers Bay and around Tsuen Wan for industry and housing.

Note the order: an outline plan first, reclamation second, and only then estates with people moving in. That order explains why “new town” in Hong Kong is an engineering concept and not merely a place name — behind every estate stands a plan and a batch of reclamation works.

3. Writing numbers into the plan: population and land area

The decisive step in any new town is writing the population target into a statutory plan. On 1 September 1961 the Town Planning Board published an outline draft plan for Tsuen Wan, the first statutory plan for that new town, planning to develop it over fifteen years into a self-sufficient satellite city with a stated population target.

That sentence contains three testable promises: time (fifteen years), scale (640,000 people) and character (self-sufficiency). Remove any one and the plan is only a map. Because those figures were written down, later reviews had a baseline — whether actual population reached the target, whether jobs were enough, whether cross-district commuting fell.

Tuen Mun, then called Castle Peak, took the same route but measured scale in reclaimed land: in March 1966 the Government launched the first phase of the Castle Peak new town programme, involving 220 acres of reclamation to build housing for 100,000 people and to promote industry. By the early 1970s construction of the first batch of new towns was under way, covering Tsuen Wan, Sha Tin and Tuen Mun — three places, three plans, one method.

4. An estate as a date marker: Lek Yuen and Po Lam

The most reliable marker of when a new town really began is not the gazetting of a plan but the first public estate taking in residents. For Sha Tin the marker is July 1975, when Lek Yuen Estate, built by the Housing Authority, was formally occupied as the first public estate in the new town.

For Tseung Kwan O the marker is 26 February 1988, when Po Lam Estate was occupied as the first public estate there. On 26 May the same year the Government announced that the third phase of the Tseung Kwan O new town programme would cover the Rennie’s Mill squatter area — a reminder that a new town is not drawn only on empty land; existing squatter areas had to be absorbed, bringing resettlement and compensation with them.

Using an estate as a marker has a methodological advantage: occupation dates are recorded and can be checked one by one, which is far more solid than saying that a new town “began to develop”. The limit must be stated too — the first estate marks the arrival of the first residents, not the simultaneous arrival of roads, schools and clinics; services usually lag, and that gap is the most frequent criticism of Hong Kong’s new towns.

5. The urban side: renewal, Metroplan and new development areas

New towns answered the question of where the extra population would live; the built-up area had to answer what to do with old districts. On 15 January 1988 the Land Development Corporation took on urban renewal projects, supported by the Government and operating on prudent commercial principles — the phrase is the key: renewal was not a social service and had to add up.

On 22 November 1991 the Government published the Metroplan, a conceptual framework for future urban development proposing large-scale reclamation, redevelopment and infrastructure in the urban area. On 1 May 2001 the Urban Renewal Authority replaced the Land Development Corporation, launching a twenty-year urban renewal programme covering twenty-five incomplete projects and adding two hundred new ones — a combination of figures showing that replacement is not a fresh start; old projects carry over.

The land supply battleground then moved to the New Territories and the former airport site. In 2007 the SAR Government launched the Kai Tak Development, building a new community on the former airport land; on 4 July 2013 it announced the results of the planning and engineering study for the North East New Territories New Development Areas; and on 19 June 2015 the Chief Executive in Council approved the two outline zoning plans for Kwu Tung North and Fanling North, allowing the planning to proceed. From “satellite city” to “new development area” the name changed, but the method did not: plan, resume, reclaim, then wait for people to move in.

Gaps

  • This dossier does not compare planned population with actual population: the definitions and reference dates differ, and census and Planning Department documents have not been verified item by item, so it states what the plans wrote rather than how many people eventually lived there.
  • Figures for land resumption, compensation and rehousing (including squatters, squatter huts and farmland) are not registered year by year; the prose notes only that the Rennie’s Mill area was brought into the plan.
  • Reclamation areas and costs exist only as individual figures in the source volume; they have not been assembled into a comparable series, and no total is added to the prose.
  • Environmental impact assessment and statutory procedure (strategic EIA, board representations) are not developed item by item; any detail would first require verification of the EIA reports and board papers.
  • The official definitions of “new town” and “new development area” belong to different periods; this dossier follows the source’s usage and does not set up a separate definition table.
  • Recent spatial plans such as the Northern Metropolis are not registered in the chronicle, so this dossier gives no year and no scale for them, and the gap is stated as it stands.

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