Long-form / 深度專題

環境保護與廢物管理:由渠道到徵費

Environmental protection and waste: from drains to charges

香港嘅環保部門同廢物政策,係因為咩問題才出現?

香港嘅環境管制唔係由「環保」兩個字開始,而是由排水、排污同黑煙開始:先有雨污分流,再有隔篩廠同空氣條例,然後才有環保處、白皮書同廢物徵費。次序係「先量度、後立法、再收費」,每一步都留低未完成嘅部分。

約 5 分鐘 · 6 節 · 17 條時間線 · 3 份文獻

繁體中文

一、排水先於環保:雨污分流與隔篩

開埠初年,香港用雨水同污水共用同一條管道嘅做法,靠雨水把穢物沖走,廢水未經處理就流入維多利亞港。呢種「合流」設計在人口少、雨量足嘅年代勉強行得通,但一旦樓宇密集、用水增加,管道就同時承受雨水同污水,倒灌同臭味隨之而來。

1902 年,香港推出雨污分流渠道系統,把雨水同污水排放分開。呢一步看似工程細節,實際上係把「環境」變成可以規劃嘅對象:雨水有自己嘅路,污水亦有自己嘅路,之後才談得上處理。

戰後人口急增,廢物同污水量一齊上升。1955 年 9 月,葵涌醉酒灣堆填區正式啟用,港九市區大部分垃圾都運去嗰度;1956 年,香港首座污水隔篩廠在大角咀晏架街建成並投入運作。隔篩只隔走大件固體,未算真正嘅污水處理,但佢標誌住一個轉變:政府開始承認污水要經設施才排出海。

二、黑煙、垃圾蟲與部門誕生

1959 年 5 月 22 日,港府就工業燃料燃燒時產生嘅污染排放訂立管制措施,並為此頒布一條條例。呢條條例針對嘅係黑煙,即係「睇得見」嘅污染:先管肉眼見得到嘅,再談無色無味嘅。

污染管制最初唔係由一個部門負責。1971 年 2 月,隸屬海事處嘅污染管制組成立,工作包括處理油污、依據法例執法,同聯同其他部門清理海上垃圾。海上油污同陸上黑煙分屬兩個系統,正好說明當時嘅管制係按「污染發生在邊」而分工。

1972 年 8 月 16 日,全港清潔運動委員會在香港大會堂舉行宣傳開幕儀式,運動嘅象徵標誌係以真人扮演嘅卡通角色垃圾蟲。清潔運動把亂拋垃圾由「市政問題」變成全港宣傳題目,亦係後來「清潔香港」行動嘅起點。

到 1981 年 1 月,環境保護處設立,接手環境保護組原有工作。部門成立之後,量度、環評同標準制定才集中喺一個單位;在此之前,空氣、水質、噪音同廢物分別由不同部門各自處理。

三、由監測到環評:先量度,後決定

部門成立之後,第一件要做嘅事係「有數」。1983 年,環境保護處開始採用一項屬試驗性質嘅環境影響評估流程。環評嘅關鍵唔在於文件厚薄,而在於次序:在工程動工之前估算影響,而唔係落成之後補救。

同年 10 月 18 日,大埔吐露港錄得米氏凱倫藻紅潮,環境保護署檢測到魚類組織毒素含量達每公斤 1200mu,係香港首次發現嘅有毒紅潮。呢件事說明監測唔係紙上工作:要取樣、要化驗、要通報,公眾才知水域發生咩事。

把環評同紅潮兩件事放埋一齊睇,就會見到呢個階段嘅特徵:政府開始用「數據」講環境,而唔係只用「污糟」形容環境。呢個轉變亦令後來嘅爭議有咗共同語言——支持同反對一方,都要引用監測結果。

四、一九八九年白皮書:把污染寫成十年計劃

1989 年嘅白皮書載錄一組對照:1974 年至 1989 年,全港人口上升 30%,而生產總值同廢物量各增 300%。把三個數字並列,意思很清楚——廢物增長唔係人口增長嘅自然結果,而係同經濟活動一齊放大。

同年 6 月 5 日,港府發表對抗污染嘅白皮書,制定未來十年策略性污水排放計劃同污染者自付政策。呢兩個概念之後一直主導香港嘅環境政策:污水要集中處理同排放,而產生污染嘅人要付費。

白皮書亦係一次自我檢討。它把環境質素欠佳歸因於政府過去對環保事務關注不足,並把部門重組寫入建議。換句話講,1989 年之後嘅環保架構——包括後來嘅規劃環境地政科、規劃署同渠務署——都係由呢份文件開始。

五、廢物:由自願到徵費

廢物政策嘅第一步靠自願。1993 年起,環保署推動「自備購物袋」活動,鼓勵市民自己帶袋;呢種做法成本低,但效果取決於習慣,冇約束力。

2005 年,相關策略涵蓋多項行動:推動回收安排、設立生產者責任制度、探討對都市固體廢物收費、建設環保園、實行環保採購,以及禁止於堆填區棄置廢物。同年 12 月 15 日,環保署公布政策大綱,就都市固體廢物管理訂下為期十年嘅整體策略。政策文件嘅作用,係把「回收」同「收費」放喺同一條路線圖上。

2009 年 7 月 7 日,塑膠購物袋環保徵費計劃正式實施,屬首個生產者責任計劃。2015 年 4 月 1 日起,徵費擴展至零售業界,每個膠袋向顧客收取最少五角。由「自備購物袋」到「每個袋都要收費」,中間隔嘅係一個判斷:自願不足,要用價格改變行為。

都市固體廢物收費走得更慢。2017 年 3 月 20 日,環境局局長公布收費建議,分「按戶按袋」同「按重量」兩種模式。兩種模式嘅分別唔止技術:按袋按戶貼近家庭,按重量則針對工商業。

六、未完成的部分

本篇刻意唔寫「都市固體廢物收費已經實施」。志錄只收到 2017 年 3 月 20 日嘅公布,之後嘅立法同生效日期未在已登記條目出現;喺呢個情況下寫「已實施」,就係用印象代替來源。

另外三類數字亦留白:轉廢為能同焚化設施嘅處理量同造價、各年代廢物量嘅分類口徑(家居、工商業、建築廢物唔可以相加)、以及策略性污水排放計劃嘅分階段成本同排污口位置。呢三類都需要逐年官方文件對照,本站未逐頁核實。

空氣方面亦一樣。條例在 1959 年針對黑煙,但後來嘅空氣質素指標檢討、路邊監測同區域性污染,志錄只零星收錄,所以本篇唔把「空氣質素改善」寫成一個已完成嘅結論。

未解與缺口

  • 都市固體廢物收費在 2017 年公布建議之後嘅立法同生效日期未在志錄登記,本篇唔寫「已實施」。
  • 轉廢為能、焚化同廚餘設施嘅處理量、造價同選址爭議未逐年核實,所以唔補設施數目。
  • 廢物量分類口徑逐年改動(家居、工商業、建築廢物),本篇唔把三者相加,亦唔作跨年總量比較。
  • 策略性污水排放計劃嘅分階段成本、排污口位置同落成時間未逐項核實。
  • 空氣質素指標嘅歷次檢討年份同路邊監測數據未逐年登記,本篇唔把空氣改善寫成結論。

文獻點讀

  • 《香港志·自然》環境保護與生態保育p.34、p.41、p.189、p.199、p.262、p.277、p.305、p.334、p.457廢物、污水同部門沿革嘅主線;堆填區、隔篩廠、環保處、政策大綱同徵費都喺呢幾頁。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志·自然》自然環境p.529、p.613渠道系統同紅潮化驗數據嘅出處,用嚟核對工程同監測兩個時點。官方/出版者網址
  • 《香港志·總述 大事記》(公元前 5000 年至 2017 年,共 6,500 多條大事)p.317、p.380、p.484、p.696大事記提供精確日期:空氣條例、清潔運動開幕、白皮書同膠袋徵費全面實施。官方/出版者網址

頁碼係電子書頁碼;同一本書不同版次可能移位。引用時請連書名、卷冊同頁碼一齊寫。

English

1. Drains before environment: separation and screening

In the early colonial years Hong Kong used a combined system in which stormwater and sewage shared one pipe: rain flushed the waste away, and untreated effluent flowed into Victoria Harbour. That design could just about work when the population was small and rainfall plentiful, but once buildings were dense and water use rose, the pipes carried rain and sewage at the same time, and backflow and smell followed.

In 1902 Hong Kong introduced a separate stormwater and sewage channel system, dividing the two discharges. It looks like an engineering detail, but it turned “the environment” into something that could be planned: rainwater had its own route, sewage had its own route, and only then could treatment be discussed.

After the war the population grew quickly and waste and sewage rose together. In September 1955 the landfill at Gin Drinkers Bay in Kwai Chung opened, taking most refuse from the urban areas of Hong Kong and Kowloon; in 1956 Hong Kong’s first sewage screening plant was built and put into operation at Anchor Street, Tai Kok Tsui. Screening only removed large solids and was not real treatment, but it marked a change: the government had begun to accept that sewage had to pass through a facility before reaching the sea.

2. Black smoke, Lap Sap Chung and the birth of an agency

On 22 May 1959 the Government laid down control measures for polluting emissions from the burning of industrial fuel and issued an ordinance for that purpose. The target was black smoke — pollution that could be seen. Visible pollution was regulated before the colourless and odourless kind.

Pollution control was not at first the business of a single department. In February 1971 a Pollution Control Unit under the Marine Department was established, handling oil pollution, enforcing the law and coordinating with other departments to clear marine litter. Oil at sea and smoke on land sat in two different systems, which shows how regulation was divided by where the pollution occurred.

On 16 August 1972 the Hong Kong Clean-up Campaign Committee held a publicity launch at Hong Kong City Hall, with a cartoon character, Lap Sap Chung, played by a real person as its mascot. The campaign turned litter from a municipal matter into a city-wide publicity subject and was the starting point of later Keep Hong Kong Clean drives.

In January 1981 the Environmental Protection Department was set up, taking over the former work of the Environmental Protection Group. Only after the department existed were monitoring, impact assessment and standard-setting gathered in one place; before that, air, water, noise and waste were handled separately by different departments.

3. From monitoring to assessment: measure before deciding

Once the department existed, the first task was to have numbers. In 1983 the Environmental Protection Department began using a pilot environmental impact assessment process. What matters about assessment is not the thickness of the report but the order: impacts are estimated before construction, not remedied after completion.

On 18 October 1983 a Karenia mikimotoi red tide was recorded at Tolo Harbour in Tai Po, and a toxin level of 1200 mu per kilogram was detected in fish tissue — the first toxic red tide found in Hong Kong. Monitoring, the episode shows, is not paperwork: samples must be taken, tested and reported before the public can know what is happening in the water.

Put assessment and the red tide together and the character of this stage appears: the government began to talk about the environment in data rather than only describing it as dirty. That shift also gave later disputes a common language, since both supporters and opponents had to cite monitoring results.

4. The 1989 white paper: turning pollution into a ten-year plan

The 1989 white paper set out a contrast: between 1974 and 1989 the population rose by 30 per cent, while GDP and the volume of waste each increased by 300 per cent. Placed side by side, the three figures say something plain — waste growth was not a natural consequence of population growth but was amplified along with economic activity.

On 5 June 1989 the Government published a white paper on fighting pollution, setting out the Strategic Sewage Disposal Scheme and a polluter pays policy for the following ten years. Those two ideas then shaped Hong Kong’s environmental policy for decades: sewage would be treated and discharged centrally, and those who generated pollution would pay.

The white paper was also a self-examination. It attributed poor environmental quality to the government’s earlier lack of attention to environmental matters and wrote departmental reorganisation into its recommendations. The post-1989 environmental structure — including the later Planning, Environment and Lands Branch, the Planning Department and the Drainage Services Department — began with this document.

5. Waste: from voluntary habits to a charge

The first step in waste policy relied on volunteers. From 1993 the Environmental Protection Department promoted a Bring Your Own Bag campaign, encouraging people to carry their own bags; it cost little, but its effect depended on habit and carried no obligation.

In 2005 the strategy covered a set of actions: promoting recycling arrangements, establishing a producer responsibility system, exploring charges for municipal solid waste, building an EcoPark, applying green procurement and banning disposal at landfills. On 15 December 2005 the department published a policy outline setting a ten-year overall strategy for municipal solid waste management. The point of a policy document is to place recycling and charging on the same road map.

On 7 July 2009 the environmental levy scheme on plastic shopping bags came into force, the first producer responsibility scheme. From 1 April 2015 the levy was extended across the retail sector, charging customers at least 50 cents per bag. Between a voluntary bring-your-own-bag habit and a charge on every bag lies a judgement: voluntarism was not enough, and price had to change behaviour.

Charging for municipal solid waste moved more slowly. On 20 March 2017 the Secretary for the Environment announced a proposal with two modes, by household by bag and by weight. The difference is not only technical: the bag mode sits close to households, while the weight mode addresses commerce and industry.

6. What remains unfinished

This dossier deliberately does not say that municipal solid waste charging has been implemented. The chronicle reaches only the announcement of 20 March 2017; the later legislation and commencement dates do not appear in the registered entries, and writing “implemented” here would replace the source with an impression.

Three other groups of figures are left blank: the throughput and cost of waste-to-energy and incineration facilities; the classification used for waste volumes in different periods, since household, commercial and industrial, and construction waste cannot simply be added together; and the phased cost and outfall locations of the Strategic Sewage Disposal Scheme. All three require year-by-year official documents that this site has not verified page by page.

Air follows the same rule. The ordinance of 1959 addressed black smoke, but later reviews of air quality objectives, roadside monitoring and regional pollution appear only sporadically in the chronicle, so this dossier does not present cleaner air as a completed result.

Gaps

  • The legislation and commencement dates for municipal solid waste charging after the 2017 proposal are not registered in the chronicle, so this dossier does not call it implemented.
  • Throughput, cost and siting disputes for waste-to-energy, incineration and food waste facilities are not verified year by year, so no facility count is added.
  • Waste classification has changed over time (household, commercial and industrial, construction), so the three are not added together and no cross-year total is compared.
  • The phased cost, outfall locations and completion dates of the Strategic Sewage Disposal Scheme are not verified item by item.
  • The years of successive air quality objective reviews and roadside monitoring data are not registered annually, so this dossier does not present cleaner air as a conclusion.

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