Long-form / 深度專題

社會福利與志願團體:先有善堂,後有部門

Social welfare and voluntary bodies: charities before departments

香港嘅社會福利,係由慈善團體做先,還是政府做先?

答案係慈善團體先。1870 年東華醫院奠基,1878 年四位華商上書港督請求查緝拐帶,兩年後保良局獲批准成立——喺政府仍未有一個福利部門之前,華人社會已經用善堂、義莊同保良局處理救濟、醫療同保護婦孺。政府要到 1947 年才設社會局,1958 年才把它升格為社會福利署;而現金保障就由 1973 年嘅傷殘老弱津貼一路走到 1993 年嘅綜援。呢篇講嘅正係「誰在做」同「誰付錢」兩個問題嘅分離過程。

約 5 分鐘 · 5 節 · 16 條時間線 · 3 份文獻

黑白合照:數十人企喺一幢中式建築嘅石階上,上頭有竹木搭成嘅通花簷篷,兩旁石柱掛住對聯;前排多為穿長衫嘅華人男子,中排有幾名穿西裝、戴帽嘅歐籍人士,右邊有一名穿戴特別服飾嘅人物。
1896 年保良局開幕時嘅合照。Group photograph taken at the opening of Po Leung Kuk, 1896.Commons 記錄為 1896 年;同一檔案嘅 credit 指向 Nigel Cameron 一九九一年出版嘅香港史圖冊,即呢張照片其後被收入該書。Commons 標示為公共領域。合照中人物姓名未逐字核實,圖說唔會代為辨認。 · 歷史照片(1896 年),經 Wikimedia Commons 取得 · Public domain Commons 檔案頁 sha1 f3d2bc60d69c…

繁體中文

一、善堂先行:東華奠基,保良創局

香港最早嘅社會服務提供者係華人慈善組織,而佢哋嘅出現同殖民管治有直接關係。1870 年 4 月 9 日,東華醫院的奠基典禮由當時嘅港督麥當奴主持——港督出席,說明呢間醫院唔只是民間自發,而係政府認可、由華商籌辦嘅制度安排。

保良局嘅起點更清楚顯示「民間提出、政府批准」嘅模式。1878 年 11 月 8 日,謝達盛、施笙階、馮普熙與盧賡揚四位港商,聯名上書港督軒尼詩,請求準許籌款懸紅,以查緝拐帶人口罪行,該日其後定為保良局創局紀念日。1880 年 5 月 17 日,港督軒尼詩批准香港保良局成立;至 1882 年 8 月 5 日,一條相關條例頒布。

保良局成立之初,辦公地方借自東華醫院,職能涵蓋保護無依婦孺、防止誘拐,並協助撫華道排解華人家庭及婚姻糾紛。呢份職能清單值得細讀:醫療、保護、調解三件事同時由一個華人機構承擔,等於喺華人社會內部執行一部分公權力。到 1931 年,東華醫院、廣華醫院與東華東院合併為東華三院,由同一個董事局統一管理,善堂體系先完成橫向整合。

二、政府接手:由社會局到社會福利署

政府嘅角色係戰後才制度化。1947 年 8 月 27 日,社會局宣告設立,歸華民政務司署管轄,此機構其後演變為社會福利署。要注意「歸華民政務司署管轄」呢一點:福利最初係華人事務嘅一部分,唔係獨立政策範疇。

十一年後嘅 1958 年 1 月 1 日,社會局脫離華民政務司管轄,成為獨立運作嘅政府部門,並改名為社會福利署,專責社會福利事務。呢一步係香港福利史嘅分水嶺:福利由「處理華人特殊需要」變成「政府嘅一般職能」。

政策文件隨後補上方向。1965 年 5 月 13 日,一份關於社會福利目標及政策嘅官方文件獲立法局通過,涵蓋多項社會生活保障與社會救濟計劃,主要援助對象為青年人。呢份文件嘅意義在於,它把福利由「救濟」講成「目標」——有目標,就可以被量度、被質詢。

三、志願團體並存:紅十字會、公益金與「唔收政府錢」

政府設了部門,唔等於志願團體退場。1950 年 7 月 12 日,香港紅十字會分會由英國紅十字會設立;1952 年,香港紅十字會開展免費自願捐血計劃,將所收集血液無償提供予全港醫院,供病人使用。捐血呢件事特別值得講:它把「市民捐出身體一部分」變成常規公共服務,而執行者係一個志願組織,唔係政府部門。

1968 年 11 月 8 日,香港公益金嘅定位被清楚寫明:它是一間慈善機構,不以牟利為目的,且未接受政府資助,主要工作為向社會福利機構籌募捐款,而該等機構乃其撥款對象。呢個三方結構——公眾捐款、公益金分配、機構提供服務——係香港福利嘅一個獨特層次,亦解釋咗為何「整筆撥款」後來會改變整個生態。

於是香港嘅福利體系由三種組織同時支撐:政府部門(社會福利署)、法定/志願機構(紅十字會等)、以及籌款中介(公益金)。三者嘅問責對象唔同:部門向立法機關問責,機構向捐款人同服務使用者問責,中介向公眾問責。呢個結構嘅好處係多元,缺點係服務斷層難有人總體負責。

四、現金津貼:由老弱津貼到綜援

如果話善堂、志願機構處理「服務」,現金保障就係另一條線:錢直接交到人手上。1973 年 4 月 1 日開始,香港政府推行傷殘老弱津貼計劃,凡年齡達 75 歲的長者均可申請老弱津貼,每月發放 55 元;而合資格傷殘人士所獲津貼,按傷殘程度釐定,最高每月 110 元。

呢個設計有兩個特徵:一是年齡門檻高(75 歲),二是傷殘津貼按程度分級。兩者都反映當時嘅思路——津貼係「有需要嘅少數人」嘅補充,唔係全民保障。

1978 年 10 月 1 日,香港政府推行高齡津貼制度,香港居民只要年滿 70 歲且通過審查,每個月可以得到 100 元;高齡津貼同時取代以往年滿 75 歲才可申領嘅老弱津貼。門檻由 75 歲降到 70 歲,係普及化嘅明確一步;而「通過審查」四隻字亦保留咗選擇性原則。

1993 年 7 月 1 日,香港推行綜合社會保障援助計劃,以之取代原有嘅公共援助計劃。綜援嘅意義係把「現金援助」整合成一個制度,之後嘅爭議亦圍繞它:金額是否足夠、審查是否嚴苛、家庭成員定義如何影響申請資格。同年之後嘅兩個小措施,顯示福利國家亦照顧「使用服務嘅便利」:1994 年 4 月 1 日起,任何年滿 65 歲的香港居民,皆可向社會福利署提出「長者咭」計劃的申請;1996 年 10 月,長者安居服務協會推出可隨身攜帶的平安鐘,向年滿 70 歲,以及 60 至 69 歲正領取綜援並患有危疾的獨居長者,提供全日 24 小時的呼援支援。

五、二千年後:整筆撥款改寫機構關係

2000 年 2 月 10 日,香港特別行政區政府宣佈,社會服務機構今後所獲的津貼及資助,改以一次性整筆撥款的形式發放,取代以往安排。技術上呢個係撥款方式嘅改動;制度上它改變咗權力關係:機構可以自行調配資源,但同時要自行承擔薪酬同服務量嘅風險。

呢個改動亦改變咗「誰負責」嘅答案。以前逐項申領,超支由政府補;整筆撥款之後,儲備同人手配置由機構自己決定,公眾對服務水平嘅期望卻唔會因此下調。於是同一句「服務不足」,可以同時指向政府(撥款總額)、機構(資源調配)同中介(籌款能力)。

由 1870 年嘅東華到 2000 年嘅整筆撥款,香港福利史有一條清晰主線:服務提供者由單一慈善體系,變成政府、志願機構同籌款中介並存;而每一次制度改革,都係喺「靈活性」同「問責」之間重新劃線。呢條線今日仍然在移動。

未解與缺口

  • 本篇唔引用綜援個案數目、受助人數同開支:個案同人數係兩套口徑,未逐份核對統計期,所以唔在正文比較。
  • 津貼金額嘅完整歷史序列(歷年調整)未整理;正文只講原書所載嘅推行時金額,唔會推算到今日。
  • 志願機構數目、義工時數同捐款總額未逐項核實,所以唔講「志願部門有幾大」。
  • 福利服務輪候(院舍、社區照顧)只有今日嘅官方現況資料,未建成時間序列,正文唔引用。
  • 整筆撥款對薪酬結構同服務量嘅實際影響未量化,只作制度層面嘅方向性描述。
  • 日佔時期嘅福利安排,志錄只有零散條目,本篇唔勉強串成一段連續敘述。

文獻點讀

  • 《香港志·總述 大事記》(公元前 5000 年至 2017 年,共 6,500 多條大事)p.157、p.164、p.225、p.265、p.279、p.288、p.311、p.343、p.360、p.384、p.416、p.510、p.516、p.536、p.578逐年記載;善堂、部門、津貼同撥款制度嘅日期同頁碼一律以原書為準。官方/出版者網址
  • 社會福利署:社會保障統計(年度服務內容及統計數字)統計頁(網頁,無連續頁碼)社會保障嘅官方年度統計,只用嚟核對今日制度嘅名稱同分類,唔用作歷史年份來源。官方/出版者網址
  • 社會福利署:服務統計數字統計頁(網頁,無連續頁碼)服務統計嘅官方現況資料,用嚟核對服務分類,唔在正文引用數字。官方/出版者網址

頁碼係電子書頁碼;同一本書不同版次可能移位。引用時請連書名、卷冊同頁碼一齊寫。

English

1. Charities first: Tung Wah’s foundation, Po Leung’s founding

Hong Kong’s earliest social service providers were Chinese charitable organisations, and their rise is bound up with colonial rule. On 9 April 1870 the foundation stone of Tung Wah Hospital was laid by Governor MacDonnell — the Governor’s presence shows that this was not purely a private initiative but an arrangement run by Chinese merchants and recognised by the Government.

Po Leung Kuk’s origin shows the pattern even more plainly: a proposal from below, approval from above. On 8 November 1878 four merchants — Tse Tat-shing, Sze Sang-kai, Fung Po-hei and Lo Kang-yeung — petitioned Governor Hennessy for permission to raise funds and offer rewards against abduction, and that day became the Kuk’s founding anniversary. On 17 May 1880 Hennessy approved its establishment, and on 5 August 1882 a related ordinance was enacted.

At its inception the Kuk borrowed office space from Tung Wah Hospital, and its functions covered protecting defenceless women and children, preventing abduction, and helping the Protector of Chinese mediate family and marriage disputes. Read that list closely: medical care, protection and mediation were carried at once by one Chinese body, which meant part of public authority was exercised inside Chinese society. In 1931 Tung Wah Hospital, Kwong Wah Hospital and Tung Wah Eastern Hospital merged into the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals under one board, completing a horizontal consolidation of the charity system.

2. The Government takes over: from Social Welfare Office to department

The Government’s role was institutionalised only after the war. On 27 August 1947 the Social Welfare Office was established under the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, and it later evolved into the Social Welfare Department. Note that subordination: welfare was first part of Chinese affairs, not a policy field of its own.

Eleven years later, on 1 January 1958, the office was separated from the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, became an independently operating government department and was renamed the Social Welfare Department, responsible for social welfare matters. That is the watershed in Hong Kong’s welfare history: welfare moved from handling the particular needs of the Chinese population to being a general function of government.

A policy paper then supplied direction. On 13 May 1965 an official document on social welfare objectives and policies was passed by the Legislative Council, covering social security and social relief schemes and aimed mainly at young people. Its importance is that it turned welfare from relief into objectives — and objectives can be measured and questioned.

3. Voluntary bodies alongside: the Red Cross, the Community Chest and not taking government money

A government department did not mean voluntary bodies withdrew. On 12 July 1950 the Hong Kong branch of the Red Cross was established by the British Red Cross; in 1952 it launched a free voluntary blood donation programme, giving the blood collected to hospitals across Hong Kong free of charge. Blood donation deserves particular notice: it turned giving part of one’s body into a routine public service, run by a voluntary organisation rather than a government department.

On 8 November 1968 the Community Chest’s position was set out plainly: a non-profit charity receiving no government funding, whose main work is raising donations for social welfare agencies, which are its funding recipients. That three-part structure — public donations, Chest allocation, agency delivery — is a distinctive layer of Hong Kong welfare, and it explains why the lump-sum grant later changed the whole ecology.

Hong Kong’s welfare system therefore rests on three kinds of organisation at once: a government department (the Social Welfare Department), statutory and voluntary agencies (the Red Cross among them), and a fundraising intermediary (the Community Chest). Their accountability differs: the department answers to the legislature, agencies to donors and service users, the intermediary to the public. The advantage is pluralism; the weakness is that no one is accountable for the gaps between them.

4. Cash allowances: from the old age allowance to CSSA

If charities and voluntary agencies handled services, cash protection was a separate line: money handed directly to people. From 1 April 1973 the Government implemented the disability and old age allowance scheme, under which those aged 75 or above could apply for an old age allowance of $55 a month, while eligible disabled persons received an amount set by degree of disability, up to $110 a month.

The design had two features: a high age threshold and disability allowances graded by severity. Both reflect the thinking of the time — an allowance was a supplement for a needy minority, not universal protection.

On 1 October 1978 the Government introduced the Old Age Allowance: residents aged 70 or above who passed a means test received $100 a month, and the new allowance replaced the old age allowance that had begun at 75. Lowering the threshold from 75 to 70 was a clear step towards wider coverage, while the means test kept the selective principle.

On 1 July 1993 Hong Kong implemented the Comprehensive Social Security Assistance Scheme, replacing the Public Assistance Scheme. CSSA’s significance is that it consolidated cash assistance into one system, and the arguments since have circled it: whether amounts are adequate, whether the test is harsh, how the definition of household affects eligibility. Two smaller measures show that a welfare state also attends to convenience: from 1 April 1994 any resident aged 65 or above could apply for the Senior Citizen Card, and in October 1996 the Senior Citizen Home Safety Association launched a portable Personal Emergency Link giving round-the-clock response to solitary elderly people aged 70 or above, and to those aged 60 to 69 on CSSA with a critical illness.

5. After 2000: the lump-sum grant rewrites the agency relationship

On 10 February 2000 the SAR Government announced that subsidies and funding for social service organisations would thenceforth be provided as a one-off lump-sum grant, replacing the previous arrangement. Technically this changed a funding method; institutionally it changed a power relationship, since agencies could deploy resources themselves but also carried the risk on pay and service volume.

The change also altered the answer to “who is responsible”. Under item-by-item claiming, overspending was covered by the Government; under a lump sum, reserves and staffing are the agency’s own decisions, while public expectations of service levels do not fall accordingly. The same sentence — “services are insufficient” — can therefore point at the Government (the total grant), the agency (resource allocation) and the intermediary (fundraising capacity) at once.

From Tung Wah in 1870 to the lump-sum grant in 2000, Hong Kong’s welfare history has one clear thread: service provision moved from a single charitable system to a coexistence of government, voluntary agencies and a fundraising intermediary, and each reform redrew the line between flexibility and accountability. That line is still moving.

Gaps

  • This dossier quotes no CSSA caseload, recipient or expenditure figures: caseload and persons are two different definitions, and reference periods have not been checked item by item, so no comparison is made in the prose.
  • A complete historical series of allowance amounts is not compiled; the prose gives only the amounts at introduction as recorded in the source and does not extrapolate them to today.
  • The number of voluntary agencies, volunteer hours and total donations are not verified, so the dossier does not claim how large the voluntary sector is.
  • Waiting lists for welfare services (residential care, community care) exist only as current official material and have not been built into a time series, so they are not quoted.
  • The actual effect of the lump-sum grant on pay structures and service volume is not quantified; only a directional, institutional description is given.
  • For welfare arrangements during the Japanese occupation, the chronicle holds only scattered entries, and this dossier does not force them into a continuous narrative.

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引用本篇:請連標題、網址同「香港紀事館深度專題」一齊寫;時間線內每條條目仍以原書頁碼為準。

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